The outcome should have been comically obvious to any fan of Science Fiction: the monster turned against its creator.
A Mad Scientist villain sets his plan in motion. (It’s always
something dramatic, isn’t it?) Some giant robot, mind control device, or
army of genetically modified tomatoes. Then something goes horribly
wrong, the villain loses control, and the created threat wreaks havoc,
turning on its own creator. Then everyone waits for the intrepid hero
to save the day. That’s the point-form storyline of a whole Sci-Fi
subcategory.
It is also a description of a political vicious cycle repeated
throughout recorded history. Would-be political leaders make grandiose
promises, to be paid by either a wealthy promisor, or by future
activities of the State; the promisor rides the resulting public
goodwill to the hallowed halls of power.
Next, the Mad Scientist, (or would-be leader) targets his enemies.
The more skilled populists select a foe against which the rabble can
rally its energies, “…let us lay aside our differences to face this
common threat”. This done, two things are accomplished. First, the
politician benefits from a superficial unity that can persist so long as
the threat seems credible. Second, it creates a useful foil when the
incoming government faces criticism: “It’s not my fault! Blame “x”!
(The previous administration … economy … opposition … terrorism … Cold
War … Global Warming … r ich people … immigrants … any bugaboo will do,
so long as the plebes believe it.)
Eventually, rhetoric runs out. The trick is finishing your term
before you have to pay the piper. In Rome, the soldiers eventually came
home … and had to be paid. Urban citizens wanted their Corn dole …
and would get disgruntled without it. Workers today might want their
indexed pensions, job security, yearly raise, or benefits packages.
When the employer is a private company, it’s a business negotiation.
The company might accept affordable demands, or they might take plan B —
limiting production, closing offices, moving shop, or bankruptcy. When
the employer is a government, it is a political decision. Plan B
doesn’t happen, because you are not actually constrained by
affordability. Politicians theoretically have unlimited promise-making
ability, so long as they can leverage the right groups against each
other, and legislate enough taxes. No surprise, these promises tend to
give their allies various unfair advantages.
With some financial sleight-of-hand, they can even push payment well
beyond their administration’s term. Indexed pension for life? No
problem! Payouts for unused sick days when you retire? Absolutely!
Building something big? How about an Aqueduct, an Academy or a bridge?
Just remember who loves ya … re-elect ME!
But in rewarding the lifestyle of the Prodigal, we shouldn’t be
surprised when they squander their inheritance, and come looking for
more. If there’s more to offer, that’s a manageable problem. If there
isn’t, you can briefly blame The Enemy. (Remember our bugaboo?) “If HE
didn’t squander your money on the pork HIS team likes (but we hate)
we’d still have lots of money for your pork projects. Don’t blame me,
yell at THEM. THEY won’t let me give you free stuff.”
Eventually, even that ruse wears thin, and the greasy politician is
forced to prioritize among his political friends and promises. “I can’t
give you that payout, I spent the money on (Energy … Child Care …
Health Care … Awareness … Environment … LGBT… Accessibility compliance
… Drones … whatever). Suddenly, the rivalry isn’t against people of
some other political stripe, but among Greasy’s own supporters.
The friends who had once mobilized against Greasy’s rivals, (keeping
him in power), turn ugly when their plums are threatened. The friends
can range from politically-sanctioned gangs of thugs (which some
countries have), Teamsters angered by right-to-work legislation (ask
Steven Crowder), public-sector unions politically friendly until the
well runs dry, (as seen in Public-sector Strikes), or minor interest
groups hanging off the government teats. Whether a roar, or a whimper,
the outrage differs only in ferocity.
Dalton McGuinty — outgoing Premier of Ontario — has something in
common with Rahm Emanuel. They have both used Obama’s David Axlerod as a
political consultant. Oh, and they’ve both had teachers’ strikes.
Dalton once bragged, “Teacher pay has gone up about 24%. But if you
were a first-time schoolteacher on our watch you started at about
$42,000. Your pay today is at about $75,000. That’s been an 80%
increase in pay during the course of 8 years out of the McGuinty
government.” (Read that twice, if you have to.)
Then the money ran out. Did he cancel his Billion-dollar
scandal-ridden programs? Nope. He said “no” to teachers. The
principal group he had carefully played for 8 years of being Provincial
leader, he turned his back on. He didn’t need them anymore.
Surprise! They turned on him, too! (Well, not really. It’s about
as surprising as the family dingo attacking little Junior). This
situation isn’t resolved yet, but rest assured: however it plays out,
both sides will claim to be working “For the Children”. Shame on us if
we believe them.
People don’t generally like the solution we actually need. It will
take smaller government and greater self-reliance. It will take
rejecting corruption within your own party and not just the other guys.
But mostly, it will take refusing to be bought with your own tax
dollars.
That last point has been a tough sell in any generation.